JZ et al
Sexism is a Language and a Culture, and so is Anti-Sexism
By Mphutlane Wa Bofelo
If language is the courier of the norms-and-value system within a particular society, then the fight against patriarchy and its values will necessitates engaging and challenging the male-centric language and its literal and literary entrenchment of chauvinistic tendencies. This thought comes to mind when one ponders on the patriarchal undertones and chauvinistic symbolism in the idiomatic and not so idiomatic expression of the support for embattled ANC deputy president, Jacob Zuma.
At the end of a message of support posted on the website of the Friends of Jacob Zuma, a Zuma loyalist waxes lyrical about JZ: “uMsholozi, uGedleyihlekisa, uphunyuka bemphethe, inkunzi ezinkunzini, inyathi emnyama, uMongameli olindile!” Loosely translated this means Umsholozi Ugeyehlekisa is the one who escapes after he’s been caught, the bull among bulls, the black cow, the leader in waiting. Though the writer (Busisiwe) could probably be a female, the macho imagery and phallic metaphors used evoke masculine attributes of machismo and virility. There is an implicit and implied reverence for “the one who escapes after he has been caught”, that is, the one who courts and causes trouble and\ or lands himself in trouble out of sheer belief in his ability to use his wits and muscles to escape being punished for his deeds. This might be an apt praise for a herd-boy, war veteran, underground operative; survivor of hard rural conditions of poverty, exile and successive plots of (character) assassinations from the Apartheid regime.
But words do not have fixed and rigid meanings. Their meaning depend on the context in which they are said as well as the relationship between the context, the person who use them and the one to\ against whom they are directed at that time. This context includes the social structure, the politico-economic system and the prevailing social and economic conditions. As a product of society, language is a signifier of the structure of society as well as a courier of the belief-and-knowledge systems of a society. From this premise, it could be argued that one cannot challenge the dominant system and prevailing social structure without also challenging the language and culture upon which these structures are grounded.
This explains why in their quest to challenge patriarchy and capital, Marxist and feminist discourses have to attach a great significance to the relationship between language and the structure of society, and the relationship between the signifier and the signified. Whether they are Marxists, feminists or radical nationalists, people who are dedicated to the liberation of women from patriarchy and capital, have to ultimately raise and respond creatively to the question of challenging male-centric linguistic and cultural expressions of social reality. This effectively means challenging the appropriation of language and culture by patriarchy and capital. It also means contesting the space and the right to designate meanings to words and the prerogative to define and re-define concepts as well as the right to naming\ labeling and mapping. Part of this is fighting against any gender- insensitive use of language.
This does not only include speaking and acting against the use of language to depict women as useful tools for men, objects of sex, impulsive and irrational people, habitual liars, etc. It includes extolling chauvinistic tendencies that borders on male aggression. It is for this reason that one expects the Marxists, feminists and radical nationalists within and outside of the tripartite alliance to take a tough stance against the calling of the supporters of the alleged victim as “bitches” by some of the friends of J-z and against their macho-sadistic-cum-sexually suggestive (inkunzi ezinkunzini -bull among bulls- Mshiniwami), ethnic (Zulu Boy) symbolism in their expression of their support for Jacob Zuma. It is quite easy to bandy around concepts such as equal access, equity and mainstreaming gender and to talk about the possibility of a female state president in the no-so distant future.
But this would be nothing but empty talk if we are not going to create a safe and conducive environment that allows women take their rightful position in the private and public sphere of life without fear of being victims of various forms of violence and abuse at home, at the factory and shopfloor level, in boardrooms and in public spaces. And the struggle against chauvinistic, sexist and gender-insensitive language is an integral part of challenging societal norms, cultural practices and social behaviors that entrenches sexism and the oppression and exploitation of women. Thus far, the pro-Zuma lobby has been a great disservice and affront to this struggle, and the voices of anti-sexists and freedom fighters of all political persuasions have not been vociferous enough. We owe it to prosterity to be more vocal, articulate and resonant in raising an unapologetic anti-sexist voice in South Africa\ Azania. This should begin at home and spread to the streets, the shebeens, schools, churches\ mosques\temples, synagogues, factories and spaza shops. To this end we should use all spaces and mediums at our disposal, workshops and seminars, rallies and sermons, hymns and graffiti, poetry and music, art and dance; radio and television, the press and the internet.
By Mphutlane Wa Bofelo
If language is the courier of the norms-and-value system within a particular society, then the fight against patriarchy and its values will necessitates engaging and challenging the male-centric language and its literal and literary entrenchment of chauvinistic tendencies. This thought comes to mind when one ponders on the patriarchal undertones and chauvinistic symbolism in the idiomatic and not so idiomatic expression of the support for embattled ANC deputy president, Jacob Zuma.
At the end of a message of support posted on the website of the Friends of Jacob Zuma, a Zuma loyalist waxes lyrical about JZ: “uMsholozi, uGedleyihlekisa, uphunyuka bemphethe, inkunzi ezinkunzini, inyathi emnyama, uMongameli olindile!” Loosely translated this means Umsholozi Ugeyehlekisa is the one who escapes after he’s been caught, the bull among bulls, the black cow, the leader in waiting. Though the writer (Busisiwe) could probably be a female, the macho imagery and phallic metaphors used evoke masculine attributes of machismo and virility. There is an implicit and implied reverence for “the one who escapes after he has been caught”, that is, the one who courts and causes trouble and\ or lands himself in trouble out of sheer belief in his ability to use his wits and muscles to escape being punished for his deeds. This might be an apt praise for a herd-boy, war veteran, underground operative; survivor of hard rural conditions of poverty, exile and successive plots of (character) assassinations from the Apartheid regime.
But words do not have fixed and rigid meanings. Their meaning depend on the context in which they are said as well as the relationship between the context, the person who use them and the one to\ against whom they are directed at that time. This context includes the social structure, the politico-economic system and the prevailing social and economic conditions. As a product of society, language is a signifier of the structure of society as well as a courier of the belief-and-knowledge systems of a society. From this premise, it could be argued that one cannot challenge the dominant system and prevailing social structure without also challenging the language and culture upon which these structures are grounded.
This explains why in their quest to challenge patriarchy and capital, Marxist and feminist discourses have to attach a great significance to the relationship between language and the structure of society, and the relationship between the signifier and the signified. Whether they are Marxists, feminists or radical nationalists, people who are dedicated to the liberation of women from patriarchy and capital, have to ultimately raise and respond creatively to the question of challenging male-centric linguistic and cultural expressions of social reality. This effectively means challenging the appropriation of language and culture by patriarchy and capital. It also means contesting the space and the right to designate meanings to words and the prerogative to define and re-define concepts as well as the right to naming\ labeling and mapping. Part of this is fighting against any gender- insensitive use of language.
This does not only include speaking and acting against the use of language to depict women as useful tools for men, objects of sex, impulsive and irrational people, habitual liars, etc. It includes extolling chauvinistic tendencies that borders on male aggression. It is for this reason that one expects the Marxists, feminists and radical nationalists within and outside of the tripartite alliance to take a tough stance against the calling of the supporters of the alleged victim as “bitches” by some of the friends of J-z and against their macho-sadistic-cum-sexually suggestive (inkunzi ezinkunzini -bull among bulls- Mshiniwami), ethnic (Zulu Boy) symbolism in their expression of their support for Jacob Zuma. It is quite easy to bandy around concepts such as equal access, equity and mainstreaming gender and to talk about the possibility of a female state president in the no-so distant future.
But this would be nothing but empty talk if we are not going to create a safe and conducive environment that allows women take their rightful position in the private and public sphere of life without fear of being victims of various forms of violence and abuse at home, at the factory and shopfloor level, in boardrooms and in public spaces. And the struggle against chauvinistic, sexist and gender-insensitive language is an integral part of challenging societal norms, cultural practices and social behaviors that entrenches sexism and the oppression and exploitation of women. Thus far, the pro-Zuma lobby has been a great disservice and affront to this struggle, and the voices of anti-sexists and freedom fighters of all political persuasions have not been vociferous enough. We owe it to prosterity to be more vocal, articulate and resonant in raising an unapologetic anti-sexist voice in South Africa\ Azania. This should begin at home and spread to the streets, the shebeens, schools, churches\ mosques\temples, synagogues, factories and spaza shops. To this end we should use all spaces and mediums at our disposal, workshops and seminars, rallies and sermons, hymns and graffiti, poetry and music, art and dance; radio and television, the press and the internet.
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